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This i n c l u d e s technical items such a s p a n e l l o c a t i o n and s i z e, switch s i z e s, e t c. Where q u e s t i o n s d e a l i n g w i t h s p e c i f i c items o f interest;. A n a l y s i s o f the s e r e s u l t s s h o u l d pay p a r t i c u l a r a t t e n t i o n t o the e x p e r i e n c e of the c o n t r o l l e r r e s p o n d i n g and any change in a t t i t u d e or r e s p o n s e which o c c u r many t i m e s (r e p e a t e d s u b m i s s i o n) d u r i n g the t e s t s c h e d u l. This study was not designed to provide quantitative data regarding the prevalence of such occurrences; rather, it was focused on the behavioral aspects of potential and actual conflicts on controlled airports. The reports which were used in the study were submitted between July 1, 1976 and June 30, 1978, a period of 24 months. This report is a summary of the findings to date in the study, which is continuing. Approach dimensions of the study- the study examined 165 potential conflicts, actual conflicts, and situations which under other circumstances could have resulted in conflicts on or immediately above the aircraft movement areas of controlled airports in North America. Categorization of occurrences- Each report was categorized as to each of the following characteristics: 1. Month of occurrence Location Reporter Types of aircraft involved Types of operation involved Phase of flight By whom the occurrence was initiated Occurrence type Type of conflict Outcome of occurrence By whom recovery was initiated Recovery actions by each participant Enabling factors these categories are defined and explained as they are discussed. All occurrences were assumed to involve human error; although there were a few cases in which mechanical or environmental factors were important, the assumption proved to be generally valid. After the categorizations were checked for accuracy, the reports were re-read and enabling factors were added. The analysis thereafter was designed to examine associations among descriptive and enabling factors, with the hope of answering the following questions for as many occurrences as possible: 1. In particular, did certain human or system factors tend to be associated with particular occurrence characteristics Results Initial evaluation of the reports indicated that 30 of the 165 occurrences involved no conflict. This category was assigned when only one aircraft was involved in the occurrence; there was no potential conflict with another aircraft or vehicle because there was no other vehicle in the vicinity. Month of occurrence- Somewhat more reports were noted during spring, summer and fall months than during the winter. Reporters- Pilots and crewmembers provided 66% of the occurrence reports; controllers reported 32%; other persons provided 2%. The person believed by the authors to be responsible for the initial error associated with the occurrence was the controller in 54% of 165 occurrences, the pilot in 39% of the occurrences, and the operator of a surface vehicle in 4% of the occurrences. Outcome- An occurrence was classed as a near collision if, in the opinion of the authors, two vehicles came perilously close to colliding. This, of course, depends on the size, type, and speed of the vehicles, as well as their relative courses, all of which were taken into account. Unless it was fairly certain that the event was a near collision, it was classified as "less than safe separation" if a conflict occurred, or "recognized error" if one or more persons recognized the problem-and took action in sufficient time to prevent a conflict. There was no actual or threatened conflict in 30 cases, because no other aircraft or vehicle was in the vicinity. It is worth noting that the two most frequent categories for both pilot- and controller-initiated incidents were taxi/takeoff and taxi/land. The other major categories were takeoff/land, takeoff/ takeoff, land/land, and taxi/approach. Occurrence types- the 135 occurrences which involved conflicts were classified as shown in table 3. Simultaneous recognition and action by controller and pilot occurred in 3%; there was no recognition of the problem in time to take recovery action in 20%, and in 2% of the cases the data were inadequate, to permit categorization.
If you took a long list of hazards and rank-ordered them by something such as expected annual mortality (how many people they kill in a good year) and then rank-ordered the same list by how upsetting the various risks are to people muscle relaxant quiz order discount rumalaya liniment line, the correlation between the two rank orders would be approximately muscle relaxant safe in breastfeeding generic rumalaya liniment 60ml fast delivery. You can square that correlation to get the percentage of variance accounted for, a depressing 4 percent of the variance. In other words, the risks that kill people and the risks that upset them are completely different. There are risks that upset millions of people even though they are not killing very many. If you focus on ecosystem risk instead of health risk, by the way, 2 Risk = Hazard + Outrage you come up with more or less the same correlation. That is, the risks that are most damaging to ecosystems are also very different from the risks that people consider most damaging. Environmental Protection Agency systematically examined the risks it was mandated to respond to , assessing them according to four criteria: health effect (cancer and noncancer), ecosystem effect, socioeconomic effect, and public concern. This book will focus especially on why people get upset about risks even when the experts do not see much basis for their concern. I am going to focus on the how-do-we-reassure-people half of risk communication not because it is the more important half-the more important half, obviously, is when people or ecosystems are endangered and no one is taking the risk seriously enough-but because it is tougher to comprehend. Government agencies, companies, and other organizations that manage risk generally understand apathy. We have a lot to learn about how to puncture it, but we are not surprised or bewildered when people underreact to a risk. When people overreact, on the other hand, risk managers typically have enormous difficulty understanding why. The Experts the question, then, is this: Why are people often frightened by risks the experts consider tiny Everyone has an answer to this question, and I believe most of the answers are wrong. Some environmental risks are gradual, delayed, geometrical, rare but cataclysmic, or made much worse by other risks; in such cases it might be appropriate to take action before the evidence of damage is strong. Nevertheless, I accept that the experts are right more often than they are wrong-or at least that when the experts and the public disagree about a technical issue, such as the size of a particular risk, the experts are more likely to be right. The explanation offered by most experts for their disagreements with the public-off the record-is quite different. It is true that this ignorance often extends to journalists, many of whom spent their college years trying to get out of the science requirement. In any case, as many in industry and government have learned the hard way, ignoring or misleading the public is a losing strategy. The traditional attitude of experts toward the public in risk controversies is beginning to change because it has stopped working. Little by little, 4 Risk = Hazard + Outrage agency after agency and company after company are discovering that when you leave people out of decisions about risk, they get more angry, they get more frightened, they interfere more in policy. And the outcome usually is not the sort of policies the experts wanted in the first place. If only we sent our experts for media training, if only our charts were in color instead of black-and-white, if only we communicated in English instead of jargon, then the public would understand and the problem would be solved. It is hard to get 300 citizens so upset that they gather in a high school gymnasium, but once they are that upset, no slide show is going to calm them down again. Presentation skills can help, of course: It is better to be clear than unclear; your charts should be in color, or at least visible from the back of the room. But learning how to explain things better is not the core task of risk communication.
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