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Working memory deficits induced by single but not repeated exposures to allergy medicine xy generic flonase 50 mcg line domoic acid allergy quinine symptoms flonase 50 mcg. Neurologic sequelae of domoic acid intoxication due to the ingestion of contaminated mussels. An outbreak of toxic encephalopathy caused by eating mussels contaminated with domoic acid. Polyclonal antibodies to domoic acid, and their use in immunoassays for domoic acid in sea water and shellfish. New fluorometric method of liquid chromatography for the determination of the neurotoxin domoic acid in seafood and marine phytoplankton. Selective reduction in domoic acid toxicity in vivo by a novel non-N-methyl-d-aspartate receptor antagonist. First evidence of palytoxin and 42-hydroxy-palytoxin in the marine cyanobacterium Trichodesmium. Toxicological studies on palytoxin and ostreocin-D administered to mice by three different routes. Human fatality due to ingestion of the crab Demania reynaudii that contained a palytoxin-like toxin. Respiratory illness as a reaction to tropical algal blooms occurring in a temperate climate. Ostreopsis ovata and human health: epidemiological and clinical features of respiratory syndrome outbreaks from a two-year syndromic surveillance, 2005-06, in north-west Italy. The Genoa 2005 outbreak: determination of putative palytoxin in Mediterranean Ostreopsis ovata by a new liquid chromatography tandem mass spectrometry method. Putative palytoxin and its new analog, ovatoxin-a, in Ostreopsis ovata collected along the Ligurian coasts during the 2006 toxic outbreak. Health impact of unicellular algae of the Ostreopsis genus blooms in the Mediterranean Sea: experience of the French Mediterranean coast surveillance network from 2006 to 2009. A case of palytoxin poisoning due to contact with zoanthid corals through a skin injury. Rhabdomyolysis and myocardial damage induced by palytoxin, a toxin of blue humphead parrotfish. Fatal sardine poisoning: a fatal case of fish poisoning in Hawaii associated with the Marquesan sardine. Thus, the natural epidemiology of these viruses is controlled by environmental factors that affect the interactions of the relevant mosquito and reservoir host populations. Although these encephalitic viruses are restricted to the Americas, as a group, alphaviruses have worldwide distribution and include other epidemic human pathogens. Although natural infections with the encephalitic alphaviruses are acquired by mosquito bite, these viruses are also highly infectious by aerosol. Since its initial isolation, at least 150 symptomatic laboratory infections have been reported, most of which were known or thought to be aerosol infections. Therefore, fewer human exposures have occurred or the infectious dose is higher resulting in fewer incidences. Perhaps as a consequence of their adaptation to dissimilar hosts in nature, the alphaviruses replicate readily and generally to very high titers in a wide range of cell types and culture conditions. Virus titers of 1 billion infectious units per milliliter of culture medium are not unusual, and the viruses are stable in storage and in various laboratory procedures. As a result, the alphaviruses are well described and their characteristics well defined. The equine encephalitis viruses remain as highly credible threats, and intentional release as a small-particle aerosol from a single airplane could be expected to infect a high percentage of individuals within an area 481 Medical Aspects of Biological Warfare of at least 10,000 km2. This characteristic is being used to develop safer and more effective vaccines,14,15 but, in theory, it could also be used to increase the weaponization potential of these viruses. During the 1930s and 1940s, several other extensive epizootics occurred in western and north-central states, as well as in Saskatchewan and Manitoba in Canada, which affected large numbers of equids and humans. For example, it has been estimated that during 1937 and 1938, more than 300,000 equids were infected in the United States, and in Saskatchewan, 52,500 horse infections resulted in 15,000 deaths. The annual incidence of disease in both equids and humans continues to vary widely, which is expected of an arthropodborne disease, and significant epidemics occurred in 1952, 1958, 1965, and 1975.
Adults allergy testing scottsdale order flonase 50mcg visa, for example allergy job market purchase generic flonase online, see prices as a reflection of the utility or function of the item to the consumer, the costs of inputs incurred by the manufacturer to make the item, and the relative scarcity of the item in the marketplace (Fox & Kehret-Ward, 1985). Not until early adolescence do children perceive a full range of connections between price and value (Berti & Bombi, 1988; Fox & Kehret-Ward, 1985). A study by Fox and Kehret-Ward (1990), where children were asked to explain the basis of prices for selling a bicycle, provides a nice illustration. Ten-year-olds linked price to perceptual features (size or fancy features), but reasoned that a higher price would be present due to the amount of production inputs required. Decision-Making Skills and Abilities During the adolescent years, several changes occur in the use of information sources. Older adolescents seek out additional sources of information, generally favoring peers and friends over parents and mass media (Moore & Stephens, 1975; Moschis & Moore, 1979; Stephens & Moore, 1975; Tootelian & Gaedeke, 1992). They develop a greater ability to ignore irrelevant information, focus on more relevant information (Davidson, 1991b), use attribute information in forming preferences and making choices (Capon & Kuhn, 1980; Klayman, 1985; Nakajima & Hotta, 1989), and apply decision-making strategies more appropriately to make better choices (Bereby-Meyer, Assor, & Katz, 2004; Howse, Best, & Stone, 2003). Adult decision makers adapt to more complex environments in several ways, including restricting search to a smaller percentage of the available information, focusing their search on more promising alternatives, and switching from compensatory choice strategies to noncompensatory ones that are less cognitively demanding (see Payne, Bettman, & Johnson, 1993). These adaptive responses develop in children as they approach adolescence, being consistently exhibited by the time children reach 11 or 12 years of age (Davidson, 1991a, 1991b; Gregan-Paxton & John, 1997; Klayman, 1985). Illustrating these developments is a study by Davidson (1991a), conducted with second, fift h, and eighth graders. Information about each alternative was hidden from view by a card, but children were allowed to uncover as much information as they wanted prior to choice. As complexity increased, older children (fift h and eighth graders) were more efficient in gathering information, searched less exhaustively, and exhibited a greater use of noncompensatory strategies. In contrast, younger children (second graders) responded to increasing complexity by making smaller adjustments in their search strategies without using a consistent simplifying strategy such as the conjunctive rule. Purchase Influence and Negotiation Strategies By the time they reach early adolescence, children have an extended repertoire of influence strategies available to them (Kim, Lee, & Hall, 1991; Manchanda & Moore-Shay, 1996; Palan & Wilkes, 1997). These strategies are more sophisticated, appealing to parents in seemingly rational ways, and are used in a flexible manner to match the situation or answer the objection of a parent. Palan and Wilkes (1997) provide an illustration of this growing sophistication in a study conducted with 12- to 15-year-olds and their parents. Using interviews, the authors identified a diverse set of purchase influence strategies used by adolescents: (1) bargaining strategies, including reasoning and offers to pay for part of the purchase; (2) persuasion strategies, including expressions of opinions, persistent requesting, and begging; (3) request strategies, including straightforward requests and expressions of needs or wants; and (4) emotional strategies, including anger, pouting, guilt trips, and sweet talk. Bargaining and persuasion were favorites among the group of adolescents, with emotional strategies favored least. Variations in frequency appear to be driven, in part, by which strategies adolescents perceive to be the most effective in obtaining desired items. Strategies such as reasoning and offers to pay for part of an item are seen as very effective; strategies such as begging and getting angry are seen as least effective. Adolescents also adapt the strategies they use depending on what they view as most effective in influencing parents. One way of doing so is by duplicating the strategies used by their parents for responding to their purchase requests. For example, adolescents perceived reasoning as the most effective influence strategy when they came from families where parents reported the frequent use of reasoning strategies. Also perceived as effective were influence strategies that had a logical connection with the objections parents raised to a purchase request. Consumption Motives and Values With a keen sense of the social meanings and status according to material possessions, teenagers are strongly motivated by social considerations in purchasing goods and services. Certain products and brand names not only confer status to their owners, but also begin to symbolize group identity and a sense of belonging to distinct social groups.
Spalding and Hardin (1999) found that implicit self-esteem predicted anxiety during an interview allergy symptoms goldenrod generic flonase 50 mcg fast delivery. Swanson allergy medicine prescribed cheap 50mcg flonase mastercard, Rudman, and Greenwald (2001) reported inconsistent attitude-behavior relationships for smokers using both implicit and explicit measures. Overall, there seems to be evidence that the self-concept operates at an implicit level, and that the implicit self-concept may reveal different associations and attitudes compared to the explicit self-concept. The authors introduce the notion of implicit self referencing, or the automatic self-association of objects encountered in the environment and subsequent generation of a positive implicit attitude toward those objects. Although the research cited here focuses primarily on self-group interactions and notions of identity, a long tradition in social psychology and consumer behavior has argued that objects (in the form of gifts, products, or brands) may help define identity as well (Aaker, 1999; Belk, 1988; James, 1890; Kleine, Kleine, & Kernan, 1993; Tietje & Brunel, 2005; Wicklund & Gollwitzer, 1982). Tietje and Brunel (2005) applied these theories to establish a unified brand theory framework and experimental results that examine the existence and influence of these existing triads in memory. Tietje and Brunel (2005) propose a theoretical framework that incorporates self-esteem, attitudes, stereotypes, and self-concept similar to Greenwald and colleagues (2002) framework. Perkins and colleagues have extended these theoretical and experimental fi ndings to the creation of new attitudes toward novel stimuli items, such as brands. Greenwald and Banaji (1995) define implicit self-esteem as "the introspectively unidentified (or inaccurately identified) effect of the self-attitude on evaluation of self-associated and self dissociated objects" (p. Numerous studies (Taylor & Brown, 1994) have established that the majority of people report favorable selfdescriptions and self-evaluations, suggesting that a link in memory exists between the self-concept and a cognitive representation of positive valence. To the extent that a new link is created between the self and some object in the environment, perhaps due to environmental exposure, one would expect a new link to form between that object and a positive valence representation. This should occur not require either conscious input or awareness of attitude formation by the subject. In the first experiment, subjects were randomly assigned to perform a categorization task that created a trivial link between their own self-concepts and an innocuous object, in this case either analog or digital clocks. These target concept categories were extensively pretested to ensure that pre-experimental implicit attitudes toward the two categories were, on average, approximately equal. The categorization task required subjects to categorize target concepts (images of either analog or digital clocks) and attribute items (words representing the concepts of "self" and "other") in specific pairs. Phase 1 required subjects to complete two blocks of 36 trials each categorizing digital and analog clock images with the attributes self and other. The response key ("D" or "K") was reversed for both contrasts in the second categorization task to avoid associating any concept with a specific key response. Experiment 2 replicated Experiment 1, but added a twist: instead of a self-association task designed to create a link between the self-concept and a known but previously unlinked object category in memory (clocks), Experiment 2 incorporated invented brand names that were unknown to the subjects. In order to facilitate the learning of the new brand names, subjects were presented with a static list of the brand names for 30 seconds prior to the self-categorization task. Taken together, these results suggest that attitudes may be automatically generated toward objects as a result of merely self-associating that object. An extension of this implicit self-referencing project examined the possibility that implicit attitudes may be spontaneously formed as a result of a self-group association. Previous research suggests that simply learning the names of randomly assigned team members leads a subject to associate self with that team (Greenwald, Pickrell, & Farnham, 2002). Pinter and Greenwald (2004) found that automatic self-group association led to differential resource allocation amongst competing teams. Under the guise of a scavenger hunt, subjects were instructed that they would be randomly assigned to one of two fictitious groups, named "circle" or "triangle. Following this exposure, subjects practiced categorizing the names of their own and the competing team to become familiar with the names and the group memberships. Subjects were next instructed to learn a set of objects pretested to assure that they were, on average, initially equivalent in evaluation: analog or digital clocks (Study 1) or fictitious automobile brand names Ace or Star (Study 2; the experimental design differed only with regard to the stimuli employed between the two studies). These objects were to be the target of a fictitious scavenger hunt on the campus where the experiments were run. However, the categorization task required here was different from the task employed in the implicit self-referencing project described above.
Only one relatively small-scale study of cigarette sales data at the retail level has been performed allergy generator 50mcg flonase with amex. Cigarette packaging is all the more important because allergy medicine dosage cheap 50 mcg flonase overnight delivery, unlike other consumer-product packaging that is discarded after purchase, cigarette packs are taken out and may be displayed whenever a cigarette is smoked. Research on perceptions about popular cigarettes, including those that appear to communicate reduced harm, could provide helpful information on youth perceptions and misperceptions of particular brands. Youth-oriented education and advocacy that have sought to publicize tobacco industry marketing approaches might focus on how tobacco companies use packaging to entice young consumers to their brands. Adult smokers might also benefit by better understanding how tobacco companies seek to reassure them about health concerns through clever cigarette packaging (see "Corrective Advertising About Tobacco Industry Product Claims" later in this chapter). The Role of the Media the United States lags behind nations that have introduced graphic pictorial health warnings on tobacco products. Descriptive studies suggest that the effects of adolescent exposure to smoking in movies can be decreased (1) by motivating parents to restrict access to such movies or (2) by teaching adolescents to evaluate smoking in movies with more skepticism through training in media literacy. Tobacco exposure in online media remains an area for further study (see chapters 4 and 10). YouTube,14 the free video-sharing Internet site, has hosted advertisements by the Office of National Drug Control Policy15 as well as protobacco material. Entertainment Media Youth are frequently exposed to depictions of smoking in entertainment media (see chapter 10). The prevalence of smoking is overrepresented in movies, and identifiable cigarette brands appear in about one-third of movies. Smokers in movies are more likely than smokers in real life to be affluent and white. Experimental studies demonstrate that depiction of smoking in movies enhances the perception that smoking is normal and desirable and increases intentions to smoke. The association between exposure to depiction of smoking in movies and youth smoking initiation lends weight to the justification for efforts to reduce movie depictions of cigarette smoking and youth exposure to them (see chapter 10). Proposals for action have focused on the individual, family, and societal levels, including improving the media literacy of youth; encouraging greater parental responsibility for restricting youth viewing of R-rated movies, which depict smoking more commonly; and placing an R rating on movies featuring tobacco use. This issue is particularly important because corporate-image and industry-sponsored campaigns to prevent youth smoking may engender 601 15. Future Directions sympathy for tobacco companies,19,20 and favorable attitudes toward the tobacco industry are related to increased likelihood of youth smoking initiation. Future research could measure public opinion about tobacco companies, public support for tobacco control policies, and their relationship with exposure to corporate advertising, including tobacco company-sponsored ads for prevention of youth smoking and Web-based messages on smoking cessation from tobacco manufacturers. For example, researchers might study the views of leaders of societal opinion or media gatekeepers. Media campaigns for prevention of youth smoking that are sponsored by tobacco companies have a face-value message that tobacco companies do not want youth to smoke. Statements against self-interest tend to increase the 602 perceived trustworthiness of the source of the statement. Because peer-reviewed, population-based research has convincingly demonstrated that these campaigns have negligible or adverse outcomes on youth smoking,20,25 tobacco company-sponsored media campaigns on preventing smoking or promoting smoking cessation require careful scrutiny. Additional research is needed to understand for which audiences and under what circumstances exposure to such messages dilutes or undermines the demonstrated beneficial effects of media campaigns sponsored by the public health community. States with high levels of exposure to media campaigns on tobacco control, especially ads featuring the manipulative nature of tobacco companies, may be more protected from the adverse effects of campaigns sponsored by the tobacco industry. A cross-sectional study by Hersey and colleagues27 suggests this conclusion, but longitudinal research and time-series studies could be undertaken to more thoroughly examine this important question. The Role of the Media the global impact of these types of public relations activities is another important area for future study. In the United States, the extent of mass-media advertising paid for by tobacco companies is far greater than in any other country. This advertising has introduced a unique aspect to the ever more cluttered media environment that is not present to the same extent in any other country, so lessons learned in the United States may not apply worldwide. Future research could examine how multinational tobacco companies use public relations advertising to manage corporate image in other markets and could compare the behaviors and reputations of the tobacco industry in the United States with those in other countries. The continuing ability of tobacco companies to overcome limits placed on tobacco marketing, as well as the globalization of tobacco promotion, means that many tobacco marketing strategies originating in the United States have adverse consequences for other nations. At the same time, First Amendment issues (see chapter 8) complicate options for limiting tobacco marketing in the United States.
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